Posted in General

‘INTENDING AFTER EASTER’

READING ACTS 12:1-4, 20-23

‘And when he had apprehended him, he put him in prison, and delivered him to four quaternions of soldiers to keep him; intending after Easter to bring him forth to the people.’ Acts 12:4

I have chosen this text for a ‘Thought for the Week’ because it is the only mention of Easter in the Bible (AV) and because the events of this chapter occur around Eastertime. King Herod Agrippa I was looking ahead to Easter, which was about a week away, and had plans for what he would do thereafter. He was ‘intending after Easter’.

Marcus Julius Agrippa I (King Herod Agrippa 1), born in 10 BCE, was one of four members of the Herodian dynasty mentioned in the New Testament. The others are:

  • His grandfather, Herod the Great, king of Judea, who reigned at the time of Jesus’ birth. In the Gospel of Matthew chapter 2 he orders the massacre of all male infants in Bethlehem in an attempt to kill the baby Jesus.
  • His uncle, Herod Antipas – He was one of Herod the Great’s sons, and ruled over Galilee and Perea during the time of Jesus’ ministry. He was the ruler who executed John the Baptist and who mocked Jesus at his trial.
  • His son, Marcus Julius Agrippa II (Herod Agrippa II), who ruled over parts of Judea and Galilee. He is called King Agrippa in the Book of Acts, which describes how he heard the apostle Paul’s defence against accusations of blasphemy.

See my posts: KING HEROD AGRIPPA II (part 1); KING HEROD AGRIPPA II (part 2); KING HEROD AGRIPPA II (part 3)

This man Herod Agrippa I in Acts 12, was the grandson of Herod the Great and ruled over Judea and Samaria. He was brought up and educated along with the imperial family in Rome and was a close personal friend of the emperors Gaius (Caligula) and Claudius who granted him wide areas of territory to rule on Rome’s behalf as a client king.

Herod Agrippa I was a successful politician who managed to balance dual identity as a Jew and a Roman. Whilst maintaining excellent relations with Rome he acted as a devout Jew while in Judaea. He observed the festivals, offered sacrifices at the temple, and donated generously to Jewish causes. He was generally popular and was particularly highly regarded by the Jewish religious leaders whose approval he cultivated, especially the Pharisees.

As Acts 12:3 mentions, he also persecuted the early church, hoping to please the Jews who vehemently opposed the Christians. He executed James, the brother of John, and arrested Peter, planning to kill him ‘after Easter’.

The Greek word translated ‘Easter’ in Acts 12:4 is pascha which occurs 29 times in the New Testament. In 28 of those occurrences it is rendered ‘passover’ – referring to the night when the Lord passed over Egypt and killed all the firstborn of Egypt (Ex. 12:12). The Authorized Version (King James), like the modern Bible Versions, uses the word ‘passover’ where this word pascha occurs; with the notable exception of Acts 12:4, where it translates it as ‘Easter.’

The AV translators took on board Luke’s comment at the end of verse 3: ‘Then were the days of unleavened bread’. This tells us that Peter was arrested during the Festival of Unleavened Bread (Nisan 15-21). Since it always followed the Passover (Nisan 14th) the Passover that year had already come and gone. Herod could not possibly have had the Passover in mind as regards his plans for Peter. The next Passover was a year away! It seems likely that Herod had in mind an Ancient Near Eastern pagan spring festival (now called Easter) in honour of the goddess Astarte/ Ishtar which was celebrated around the same time as Passover and which was due to fall within a few days.

The end of Acts chapter 12 records that Herod Agrippa I died suddenly at Caesarea Maritima after the people hailed him as a god. ‘The angel of the Lord smote him’ (Acts 12:23) for accepting divine honours and he died in 44 CE at the age of fifty-four. His intentions were unfulfilled.

Many people make plans for the period after Easter, whether to travel, work, study or relax. Few, however, bear in mind that there may be unforeseen circumstances or changes that affect them. They might never be able to carry out their intentions. Herod was no doubt confident that he would execute Peter after Easter but things did not quite work out as he had planned. After Easter Herod was no longer alive.

This is a salutary lesson for those of us who have plans for the week ahead, and beyond. Our intentions, unlike those of Herod, might be legitimate and good. For some, however, carefully laid plans might not come to pass. Life is uncertain and time is short. Are there matters that we really ought to sort out before Easter? Is there someone we should speak to about spiritual matters? Is there unresolved friction with another family or church member? Is there sin that needs to be confessed to God and forsaken?

Most of us have plans for Easter and hope to see them through. Let us not forget, however, the sad case of King Herod Agrippa I – who was ‘intending after Easter’.

Posted in Roman names

GALLIO

‘And when Gallio was the deputy of Achaia, the Jews made insurrection with one accord against Paul, and brought him to the judgment seat.’ Acts 18:12

Name: Gallio

Full Roman Name: Lucius Iunius Gallio Annaeus

Position: Proconsul of the senatorial Province of Achaea

The casual reader of the Book of Acts might view Paul’s appearance before Gallio, the Roman governor of Achaea, as just another interesting detail that Luke has included about the apostle’s stay in Corinth. It is, however, one of the major incidents recorded in the New Testament and the most significant as regards the early history and expansion of Christianity. The historical details given in Acts 18, along with external sources, provide us with a fixed date in the career of the apostle Paul and shed light on Jewish hostility and Roman indifference (as exemplified by Gallio) towards the increasingly popular new religious movement.

In 50 CE Paul arrived in Corinth and began his evangelistic activity in the Jewish synagogue, aiming to convince Jews that Jesus was the promised Messiah (Acts 18:4). This must have continued for several months (‘every sabbath’ 18:4) but, following heated discussions, disagreements, and rejection of his message by the Jews, Paul turned his attention towards the local Gentiles and moved his operational base to a building next door to the synagogue. Its owner was Justus (some manuscripts say Titius Justus) who in 18:7 is termed a ‘God-fearer’ (a Gentile believer in God who had not (yet) fully converted to Judaism).

Relations between the two groups of next-door neighbours got worse. Tension must have increased greatly when the president of the synagogue, Crispus, ‘believed on the Lord’ and, as it were, moved to the other side of the fence. Also, the Jews cannot have been happy with the ongoing success of Paul’s mission because ‘many of the Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized’ (18:8). Eventually,the Jewish leaders brought Paul before Gallio; the proconsul of the Roman province of Achaea.

Gallio was born about 5 BCE at Cordua in Spain, into a high-ranking Roman family which had close ties with the imperial household. His father was Seneca the Elder (Lucius Annaeus Seneca), a well-known writer, historian, and rhetorician who, with his wife Helvia, had three sons; of whom Gallio was the eldest. Another son was Seneca the Younger, a Stoic philosopher and writer who was tutor to the future emperor Nero. The third was Marcus Annaeus Mela, father of the poet Lucan. During his reign Nero suspected Gallio and his brothers of involvement in various plots against him and eventually, at different times and probably on Nero’s orders, all three ended their lives by suicide.

Gallio’s name from birth was Lucius Annaeus Novatus but, when he was a young adult, a wealthy family that did not have a male heir adopted him; as was customary among Roman aristocrats. He took the name of his adoptive father, senator Lucius Iunius Gallio, and became known as Lucius Iunius Gallio Annaeus. Gallio became an expert on Roman law, and had a reputation for hard work, fairness, and a polite but no-nonsense approach in court. He became a senator in 37 CE and was later appointed proconsul of Achaea by the emperor Claudius.

One can deduce the date of his term of office in Achaea from what is usually called the Gallio (or Delphic) Inscription. In 1905 four fragments of this inscription were found in temple ruins at Delphi in Greece. In 1910 three more were found and a further two in 1967. The following is reconstructed from these nine fragments:

‘Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, 12th year of tribunician power, acclaimed emperor for the 26th time, father of the country, sends greetings to… For long have I been well-disposed to the city of Delphi and solicitous for its prosperity, and I have always observed the cult of the Pythian Apollo. Now since it is said to be destitute of citizens, as my friend and pro consul L. Iunius Gallio recently reported to me, and desiring that Delphi should regain its former splendour, I command you to invite well-born people also from other cities to come to Delphi as new inhabitants, and to accord them and their children all the privileges of the Delphians as being citizens on like and equal terms…’

This is a copy of a letter from the emperor Claudius in which he refers to a report from ‘my friend and proconsul L. Iunius Gallio’ about depopulation in Delphi and recommends future resettlement of the city. In the letter Claudius says that he has been ‘acclaimed emperor for the 26th time’ which dates the letter to between 25th January and 1st August 52. Claudius had recently received the report; therefore Gallio’s appointment to Achaea was probably from 01 July 51 until 30 June 52.

Unlike Claudius, who was an admirer of everything Greek, Gallio disliked Greece and did not serve out his full term of office; possibly leaving before shipping finished for the winter months at the end of October 51 CE. His brother Seneca wrote:

‘When in Achaia, he [Gallio] began to feel feverish, he immediately took ship, claiming that it was not a malady of the body but of the place’ (Seneca, Epistle 1 04.1)

Under Nero, Gallio was appointed a ‘consul suffectus’ (a replacement who took over when a consul died, resigned or was removed from office) in 56 CE and later served as the emperor’s herald.

As an eminent legal expert, a man of integrity who enjoyed the confidence of two Roman emperors, and someone who reached the highest levels of office in the Roman empire, Gallio was no fool. The Jews at Corinth were to discover this fact when he immediately saw through the deception that was behind the charge that they tried to level against the apostle Paul.

The Jewish leaders brought Paul before the Corinthian tribunal over which Gallio, as proconsul, was presiding. The Greek word for tribunal is bema. The name comes from the raised platform (bema) which stood in the main square of a Greek or Roman city and from which orators addressed the public at civic ceremonies.

The Bema (KJV ‘judgement seat’) was also used for legal purposes; the supreme authority of the presiding judge was signified by his elevated position while seated on it. The word bema could refer to any elevated platform, a step or even the length of a footstep (Acts 7:5) but the Bema in Corinth was not a simple rostrum. It was an impressive building built of marble, decorated with intricate carvings, and prominently situated in the city forum. A site guide to ancient Corinth published in 2018 by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens describes the architecture of the Bema as follows:


‘The Bema was a complex marble structure dating from the middle of the 1st century A.D. that dominated this part of the Forum at Corinth. It took the form of an open propylon with a Π-shaped ground plan, which stood on a rectangular podium measuring 15.6 × 7.2 m. This podium had a krepidoma with two steps and it projected 3 m above the level of the Forum to the north. Its superstructure consisted of eight pillars, three at each corner linked by walls lined with benches, and two across the front. The podium was flanked at a lower level by two unroofed exedras with benches on two of their three sides. Beside each exedra was a marble staircase leading up to the terrace to the south. Parts of the Bema’s walls and steps, as well as the floors of the exedras, have been restored.’


The grandeur of the physical Bema in Corinth and his appearance before Gallio seems to have impressed Paul so much that he used the word bema figuratively in a letter to the Corinthians (2 Cor 5:10) to describe a future tribunal, with Christ presiding, at which the life and service of every Christian will be reviewed (see also Rom 14:10).


We read in Acts 18:4 that Paul ‘persuaded’ (peíthō) Jews and the Greeks in the synagogue every sabbath.’ According to Acts 18:13, the Jews attempted to have Paul tried on the following charge: ‘this man persuades (anapeíthō) the men to worship God contrary to the law.’ In verse 13, however, ‘persuade’ means ‘persuade earnestly’ and has the idea of ‘seduce’ or ‘incite.’ The Jews accused Paul of misleading ‘the men.’ This term may indicate just the Jews and Greeks of verse 4 but is more likely a general reference to all the residents of Corinth. Paul, according to the Jews, was dishonestly encouraging men to ‘worship God contrary to the law.’ They did not specify whether they meant Jewish or Roman law. Gallio was astute enough to realize that their charge was deliberately ambiguous.

The relevant Roman law would have been that which governed the meetings of associations (collegium or sodalitates). The Romans were always wary of the possibility of sedition in conquered territories so they ensured that religious cults, political societies, and trade guilds were licensed by the state and allowed to meet no more than once a month. However, since they had great respect for ancestral religions, they granted Jewish synagogue meetings exemption from this restriction. The Jews were therefore maintaining, although both groups were studying the same scriptures, that the gathering in the house of Justus next door to them was not a Jewish synagogue meeting and ought to be regarded as an illegal and unlicensed religious cult led by Paul.

Gallio saw that their accusation was not essentially religious but that they were playing politics. He ruled (Acts 18:14-15) that if the Jews could back up their charge that Paul was guilty of a ‘criminal act’ or a ‘wicked plot’ he would proceed with a trial, but, in his opinion, the matter had to do with (1) ‘words’ (debate), (2) names (disputes over the meaning of words or terms), and (3) ‘your own (i.e. Jewish) law’.

Gallio thus dismissed the charge (under Roman law) that Paul was involved in political disturbance, and he also refused to judge Paul on matters relating to Jewish law. He had no interest in these. As Luke comments in verse 17: ‘Gallio cared for none of those things’.

Some (mis)apply this comment by Luke and suggest that Gallio was indifferent to the preaching of the gospel and the message of salvation through Jesus Christ. This, of course, is not what Luke is saying. In fact, it is unlikely that Gallio ever heard the gospel because in verse 14 Luke emphasizes the fact that Paul did not get a chance to open his mouth. The plural ‘those things’ refers to the three points in Gallio’s ruling(v.15). He refused to pronounce judgement upon what he regarded as internal differences of opinion within the Jewish religion. Gallio was an honest and upright Roman official who did not give in to and conspire with the Jews; unlike Pilate and Felix.


Governors and judges in other locations throughout the empire would have looked to this ruling by such a distinguished jurist and have likewise adopted a tolerant attitude towards Christianity. Thus, having the luxury of minimal interference from the Roman government, the new religion spread swiftly throughout the empire. Thanks to Gallio’s assessment of Christianity as just a sect within Judaism, Christians could legally meet weekly for worship and to celebrate the Lord’s supper. For the early church the positive effects of Gallio’s ruling lasted more than a decade.

Even at the end of Acts, while Paul awaited trial for two years at Rome, the authorities did not curtail his religious activities. Luke could therefore bring the book of Acts to a close by observing (Acts 28:30-31 ESV) that, right in the very capital of the empire, Christian work was permitted to continue ‘without hindrance.’